U R A C C A N U P D A T E <*><*><*><*><*><*> March 18, 1998 980318 - < Part I > <*><*><*><*><*><*> SPECIAL ENLARGED EDITION - < PART I > ASSIMILATION, AUTONOMY, OR SEPARATION: <*><*><*>THE ISSUES GET POSED<*><*><*><*> <*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> URACCAN >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> del Puente del Eden 1 cuadra arriba, 2 cuadras al sur Casa D-10 Barrio Ducuali Managua, Nicaragua Voice Phone: 248 4658 Fax: 248 4685 Email: uraccan@ibw.com.ni [Managua Office] autonomy@ibw.com.ni [Bluefields Campus] <*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> "God created the world, paused, then smiled on the Caribbean. This tranquil place must be heaven. Our wonderful homeland..." Eric Roach, Caribbean Poet *> In This Issue >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> Section I: *> OJO DE URACCAN Autonomy: What it Is and Isn't: Dr. Ray Hooker Changing Nicaragua is Changing Ourselves: Dr. Myrna Cunningham Kain *> STUDYING AND PROMOTING AUTONOMY An interview with Cesar Paez *> JOSE DE VAL VISITS URACCAN Director of OAS Interamerican Indigenous Institute gives Inaugural Lectures in Bilwi and Siuna *> GOBIERNOS PLURIETNICOS: Spotlight on Miguel Gonzalez Perez' book Pluriethnic Governments >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> Section II *> COUNCIL OF ELDERS SPEAK OUT Are they pushing for separation? *> GENERAL ASSEMBLY DECLARATION Managua's dailies forgot to publish it! *> INTERVIEW WITH DR. OSCAR HOGDSON ARGUELLO by Edgard Solorzano *> NICARAGUA MIGHT BE PARTED IN TWO by Edgard Solorzano *> SO FAR AWAY THE CARIBBEAN by Sergio Ramirez *> URACCAN WELCOMES CANADIAN TEACHER-INTERNS Tanya Chung and Heidi Mehta <* *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> *> OJO DE URACCAN This jam-packed issue is about autonomy - how it is being perceived and questioned in Nicaragua and in the autonomous Caribbean Coast regions in the aftermath of the just concluded regional council elections. It might be titled: Autonmomy: It Ain't What You Think it Is, but that would imply narrowing the range of whom we think our readers are down to an elite crowd of people in Pacific Nicaragua who see separatist demons behind any expression of the right of national minorities in the country to self-government and self-determination. A somewhat heated controversy has arisen over claims by Managua media and central government figures that the Council of Elders of the Atlantic Coast are plotting a course towards independence for "their Miskotia". Despite the extensive length of textual material involved, we have chosen to offer readers of URACCAN UPDATE a representative sampling of opinion and information appearing in the Nicaraguan media about this issue. The edition [980318] comes to you in two Sections [in the hope that fewer transmission gaffs will result]. It includes information about the work of URACCAN's Institute for the Study and Promotion of Autonomy; and material from Miguel Gonzalez Perez book: GOBIERNOS PLURIETNICOS which is the most thoroughgoing study of the autonomy process since the Constitutional guarantee of 1987. As a compass to help guide readers through all this material, we offer an excerpt from Dr. Ray Hooker's opening address to last year's Third International Symposium on Autonomy held in Managua. He outlines there his perspective on what autonomy is and what it is not. His is one view among many, of course; but it is an outlook that received widespread support in that Symposium and in subsequent e vents such as the FORO DEMCRATICO held in Bilwi in January this year. Dr. Hooker's remarks broadly reflect the point of view of those political forces who argue for backing up the present Autonomy Statute with enabling legislation that would allow the Regional Councils to put teeth into the concept of autonomous government and regional control of resources. Complementing Hooker's remarks is a segment of Dr. Myrna Cunningham Kain's closing address to the Third International Symposium "Changing Nicaragua is Changing Ourselves". *> *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> DR. RAY HOOKER: *> AUTONOMY: WHAT IT IS AND ISN'T Autonomy is not a movement for independence; it is not a separatist endeavor. We Costenos are committed to consolidating the National Unity of Nicaragua through strengthening indigenous peoples and ethnic communities of the Nicaraguan Caribbean area, just as we are committed to Central American reunification and Latin American unity. But it should also be understood that Nicaragua is a Caribbean nation; and that our Caribbean heritage is just as precious to us as the common cultural ties that unite us with other Central and Latin American nations. Since 1894 Nicaragua has tried to build a wall to deny us contact with our Caribbean brothers and sisters. The Berlin Wall was knocked down in 1989 The days of walls have ended. Like it or not, we are now in the globalization process. Now we must become builders of bridges that unite Central and Latin America. We must become bridges of understanding to unite the great Caribbean family. Fear of separatism and fear of cultural extermination are deeply entrenched in the collective conscience of the Pacific and Atlantic Coast peoples. But we cannot allow our lives to be run by fear. When fear takes over the Goddess of Justice and Wisdom is enslaved. We of the Atlantic and the Pacific must commit ourselves to attain the necessary levels of mutual confidence and understanding so that hand-in-hand we may successfully build a better Nicaragua; not just for ourselves but also for our children and for their children. Autonomy is not integration. Why is integration not Autonomy? Because all processes of integrating peoples have meant that one people and one culture is devoured by the other; that one people and one culture is forcibly assimilated by the other. One culture assassinates the other. Cain and Abel's Biblical story repeats itself. Assassination becomes a legitimate means to establish differences b etween peoples. It is often glorified in peoples' songs and legends. Autonomy must definitely not become a melting pot. So then, what is Autonomy? Autonomy is a process for building a new national identity nourished by cultural diversity. Autonomy is a tool that the peoples of the Pacific and the Atlantic must use to build a better Nicaragua, a united Nicaragua, a Nicaragua in which the principle of democracy is the fundamental guide for political, economic, and social conduct. Autonomy is the instrument that all the peoples of this land o f lakes, volcanoes, and tropical humid forests must use to build the strong and creative multiethnic identity stipulated in the Constitution, both the old and the reformed of 1995. Autonomy is a cohesive process that builds unity in diversity. I re-iterate: Autonomy is a transformation process that infuses cultural diversity with increased capacity to nourish and continuously strengthen national unity. Autonomy is a process of national liberation, of national reconciliation. The divine sparks trapped in each alienated Costeno, in each demeaned Nicaraguan, must be re-animated and redeemed through a successful autonomous process. Our moral imperative is to build a better Atlantic Coast, to build a better Nicaragua. Autonomy is the instrument that enables endangered cultures of the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua to overcome the destructive forces that threaten to convert our culture into museum pieces. Autonomy is an instrument for cultural survival and national cohesion. A nation divided...We can do much better Autonomy is also a process of cultural, racial, and genetic reconciliation. For many years we have undervalued our Indigenous and African heritage while overvaluing the European contribution to what we are. We have lived this falsity for many centuries, damaging our self-esteem; converting it into a destructive, pathological process instead of a creative and constructive one. In place of a stro ng, creative, and united Nicaragua, we have built a nation divided by confrontation and intolerance. We can do much better. We must do better. Either that, or we will be swallowed in a globalization process. <* ~~*~~*~~*~~ DR. MYRNA CUNNINGHAM KAIN: *> CHANGING NICARAGUA IS CHANGING OURSELVES We've lived through ten very complex years, filled with challenges, stories, sacrifices: ten years through which we have wanted to influence the restructuring of the Nicaraguan state, reach out to change Nicaraguan society as a whole, and above all, change ourselves, beginning throughout all these ten years to be autonomous. In these ten years we've tasted the advantages of autonomy; we've tasted peace, a return to our communities, repatriation, stagnation, rebuilding of our communities; we've taught the rest of the Nicaraguan nation that it was possible to resolve the conflicts of the last decade. Peace was born on the Coast; dialogue was born on the Caribbean Coast of Nicaragua. We've tasted in the lapse of these ten years what pride in our identity means, what it means to win self-esteem, pride in being Miskitus, Mayagnas, Mestizos, Ramas, Garifunas, Costenos. Over these then yeas as well we have lived though a slow insertion into the national democratic process, we've high participation in the elections for our regional authorities in 19909 and 1994 despite the enormous distances involved in obtaining a ballot and get to the ballot box. Autonomy and democracy We're learning how to be democratic; we've out and also enjoyed the model of multiethnic fellowship and coexistence established by autonomy. It's possible to live together; it's possible for Miskitu and Mayagna to like one another; for Mestizos and Blacks to respect each other; for Garifuna and Rama to accept each other. We began in these ten years also to establish our first autonomous institutions, governments and regional councils. They may be weak, but they're our governments, our councils. Finally after 500 years, our own institutions, committing errors, yes, but our errors. Also, we've built, or begun to build, our own government organisms, own universities, our own women's movements that take up the theme from the perspective of gender, of multiethnicity, and of interculturalism. Also we've shared victories with brothers and sisters in the rest of the country. The strengthening of the juridical framework of autonomy in the constitutional reforms resulted from support received from National Assembly deputies who are not from the Atlantic Coast. Nevertheless the became aware and began to recognize that to deepen democracy in this country it's necessary to strengthen the au tonomous regime. We live in Nicaragua. Hence the problems confronting the Nicaraguan people as a whole, and the problems confronting the Nicaraguan state, are also our problems: poverty, unemployment, administrative corruption. Many of these problems that were pointed out in the work of the commissions aren't just problems of autonomy; they are problems of the rest of Nicaragua too. And if Nicaragua does not ge t its act together it will be difficult for us from the Coast to become the solution for all the national problems. True Interlocutors Also during these ten years we've managed to have some relation with the municipalities and communities. The process of demarcation and delimitation of municipal boundaries couldn't be completed in time for the '94 elections; nevertheless, the regional councils were able to charge batteries and define municipal boundaries. Thanks to that, we were able to hold municipal elections in 1995. Also i t's been possible to use autonomous law to resolve problems of setting boundaries between Miskitu and Mayagna peoples; and in other cases drawn to attention throughout the Symposium. Gaining respect and credibility with Nicaraguan and international NGOs, down to work. All the work of territorial demarcation, intercultural bilingual education, health, productive activities must be organized through concrete things happening in the communities. We didn't come here to invent priorities or tasks. All we have done just to transmit what is being said everyday in the communities. It was very well noted that the basic task of our regional authorities is to learn conflict management, learn to negotiate with States, with the power of State; and we, ourselves have to learn how to negotiate with other expressions of civil society in the rest of the country, learn how to negotiate with political parties. Relations with parties We've talked a lot about the presence of political parties on the Caribbean Coast. We've said that we don't like national political parties, but at the same time admit that they are on the Coast because we belong to these national political parties. That means that we have to negotiate with them and tell them that if they are really committed to autonomy they have to elect good candidates, have to seek out and put up people committed to autonomy, and not say, as one candidate said to me in the last elections: Doctora, what you want is down the road, what we look for is political loyalty, not capability; in many cases political loyalty goes hand-in-hand with illiteracy. What we have to do is negotiate with each political party and tell them that we will not accept that they impose candidates who won't work; and we won't accept them if they don't nominate women and youth to winnable positions. Everything that's been said here must be taken up inside the parties in which we are active. We have to develop a propositive capacity, we have to learn how to build consensus. We have to remember how the assemblies function in the communities. Assemblies can last two days, three days - but as long as all the members of the community don't reach agreement we can't talk about consensus; we can't talk about agreements. *> Dr.Myrna Cunningham Kain is President and Rector of URACCAN. The above remarks are a part of her closing address to last year's Third International Symposium on Autonomy, held in Managua. The translation. by Felipe Stuart Courneyeur, taken from A Spanish-language version published in the February 1998 (No 6) issue of APORTES PARA EL DEBATE published by ALAI [Agencia Latinamericana de Informacion, Inc.], based in Quito, Ecuador. Issue No 6 is a special issue: "Autonomia Indigena: Diversidad de Culturas, Igualdad de Derechos" [Indigenous Autonomy: Diversity of Cultures, Equality of Rights]. It is largely devoted to the issue of indigenous autonomy and carries extensive coverage of the Third International Symposium held in Managua last year. Contents, in addition to Dr. Cunningham's talk, include: ~* Autoderminacion, autonomia y liberalismo, by Hector Diaz-Polanco ~* Nicaragua: Autonomia a prueba, Eduardo Tamayo G. ~* Declaracion final del Simposio International: Autonomia en la Costa Atlantica: "Que escuchen nuestra palabra cargada de razon." ~* Autonomia y el Mexico del futuro, Eduardo Tamaya G. ~* Ecuador: Nuevos avances en la propuesta del pais plurinacional, Ariruma Kowii ~* Guatemala: ?Autonomia para la mayoria de la poblacion? Entrevista a Augusto Willemsem, ex-subprocurador de derechos humanos de Guatemala. Eduardo Tamayo G. ALAI can be contacted on the internet through: Email: info@alai..ecuanex.net.ec Web Page: http://www.ecuanex.apc.org/alai/ *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> An Interview with Cesar Paez *> STUDYING AND PROMOTING AUTONOMY By Felipe Stuart Courneyeur *> Cesar Paez and I first met 13 years ago in (what was then called) Puerto Cabezas, capital of Special Region I of Nicaragua. The Contra-war was still raging and, on the Caribbean Coast, a war within a war. A war in which Indigenous Miskitu and Mayagna peoples found themselves on both sides of a complicated divide. Paez, who is Miskitu, was then with the Sandinista Ministry of the Interior, ass istant to Jose Gonzalez Picado. In that capacity he participated in the first peace talks with Indigenous groups engaged in armed resistance against the Central government. Paez keenly remembers those talks and those involved from all sides, a seminal turning point in a nascent peace process that led eventually to a change in the Nicaraguan Constitution and Autonomy for the Caribbean Coast. After his work with the Ministry of the Interior, Paez went on to elected an alternate deputy in the Nicaraguan National Assembly [1990], representing the FSLN from the North Atlantic Autonomous Region (RAAN). He is also a founder of URACCAN, now working as General Director of URACCAN's Institute for the Study and Promotion of Autonomy (IEPA), an autonomous agency dedicated "to accompanying and a dvancing the pluriethnic autonomy process on our Caribbean Coast". "IEPA," Paez related to me in this interview, "began its work in earnest last September after a period of efforts to develop project ideas and obtain support and funding for the initiative. The agency set out to equip itself with personnel and resources to monitor systematically the regional, municipal, and communal autonomy processes in all their dynamic, interactive dimensions. We do this with in an academic framework based on research and analysis." Among IEPA's key activities, Paez noted: ~*~ workshops on Indigenous and autonomous rights ~*~ creating and systematizing a data base on autonomy ~*~ ongoing monitoring of autonomy processes at the communal, municipal, and regional levels ~*~ training: a) a Diploma Course in Indigenous Rights in Bilwi and Siuna; and b) an adaptation of that course to a forthcoming one on Autonomous Rights, oriented to Mestizos. ~*~ promoting human rights, democracy, and peace ~*~ promoting Indigenous rights on a Central American level ~*~ Special courses on Autonomy [pasantias] for Indigenous leaders. IEPA works with all sectors of Costena society and also carries our international work on a regional and hemispheric scale. Two important upcoming international events are now high up on Paez's list of priorities. ~~*> First, the Central American Seminar on Territorial Rights and Legalization of Indigenous Lands. Convoked under the theme of CENTROAMERICA: TERRITORIO INDIGENA - YAPTI TASBA [CENTRAL AMERICA: INDIGENOUS TERRITORY -MOTHER EARTH], the workshop will take place at URACCAN's Kambla-Bilwi Campus, April 30 - May 5, this year. It is being supported by the Centro Skoki and by Native Lands of the USA