U R A C C A N U P D A T E <*><*><*><*><*><*> March 18, 1998 980301 < Part II > <*><*><*><*><*><*> SPECIAL ENLARGED EDITION - < PART II > ASSIMILATION, AUTONOMY, OR SEPARATION: <*><*><*>THE ISSUES GET POSED<*><*><*><*> <*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> URACCAN >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> del Puente del Eden 1 cuadra arriba, 2 cuadras al sur Casa D-10 Barrio Ducuali Managua, Nicaragua Voice Phone: 248 4658 Fax: 248 4685 Email: uraccan@ibw.com.ni [Managua Office] autonomy@ibw.com.ni [Bluefields Campus] <*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> "God created the world, paused, then smiled on the Caribbean. This tranquil place must be heaven. Our wonderful homeland..." Eric Roach, Caribbean Poet *> In This Issue >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> Section II *> COUNCIL OF ELDERS SPEAKS OUT Are they pushing for separation? *> NINTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY DECLARATION Managua's dailies forgot to publish it! *> INTERVIEW WITH DR. OSCAR HOGDSON ARGUELLO by Edgard Solorzano *> NICARAGUA COULD BE PARTED IN TWO by Edgard Solorzano *> SO FAR AWAY THE CARIBBEAN by Sergio Ramirez *> URACCAN WELCOMES CANADIAN TEACHER-INTERNS Tanya Chung and Heidi Mehta <* >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> Section I: *> OJO DE URACCAN Autonomy: What it Is and Isn't: Dr. Ray Hooker Changing Nicaragua is Changing Ourselves: Dr. Myrna Cunningham Kain *> STUDYING AND PROMOTING AUTONOMY An interview with Cesar Paez *> JOSE DE VAL VISITS URACCAN Director of OAS Interamerican Indigenous Institute gives Inaugural Lectures in Bilwi and Siuna *> GOBIERNOS PLURIETNICOS: Spotlight on Miguel Gonzalez Perez' book Pluriethnic Governments ~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~*~ *> COUNCIL OF ELDERS SPEAKS OUT ~~> NINTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND ETHNIC COMMUNITIES For Land, Nature, Life and the Future ~~> The 336 representatives of the Mayagna, Miskito, Rama indigenous peoples, ethnic communities, 10 representatives of the Honduran Moskitia, and over 1,200 leaders, visitors and observers that met in the city of Bilwi from the 20th to 26th of February in the "Juan Amos Comenius" Moravian Institute, Taking into consideration that: Indigenous territory is the heritage of the peoples that live within it and therefore is an inalienable right and guarantees the preservation of our cultures and identities. This territory has been recognized by international agreements that hold up this ancestral right of ownership, under a system of communal coexistence with other cultures, respect for nature, the necessary use of its natural resources and historic heritage for our future generations. The Constitution of the Republic establishes in its Fundamental Principles that "The State recognized the existence of Indigenous peoples who shall enjoy the rights, responsibilities, and guarantees provided by the Constitution, and, in particular, those of maintaining and developing their identity, culture, their own forms of social organization and administration of local affairs; likewise, to m aintain communal forms of property on their lands and possession, use, and enjoyment of the same, in full conformity with the Law." [Article 5, Constitution] It is noted in Article 180 of the Constitution that "The communities of the Atlantic coast have the right to live and develop themselves under forms of social organization that correspond to their historical and cultural traditions." It goes on: "The State guarantees these communities enjoyment of their natural resources, effectiveness in their forms of communal property and free election of thei r authorities and legislative representatives." [unofficial translation, not taken from official authorized English-language text]. Historically we have been forced to defend our communal territory, and though it has never had frontiers, we have been forced define these borders in the face of division and separation of our families due to the disintegration and repartition of states with artificial frontiers that have diminished and divided our natural resources. In the last ten years we have made numerous efforts to peacefully legalize the status of our ancestral lands. The results have not been fruitful and, in the best of scenarios, the agreements that we have reached are not held up. Now we face the imminent risk that the Nicaraguan government will usurp our lands. After many complaints, the National Commission for the Demarcation of Indigenous Territories of the Atlantic was formed by way of Decree 16-96; but Decree 4-97 was reformed without any consultation. This National Commission continues to be mainly comprised of representatives of central government institutions with only a minority of indigenous representatives. This lack of representation does not comply with the agreements of the National Dialogue in which, for the first time in the history of our supposed integration, the President of the Republic committed himself to change the make-up of this commission in order to achieve parity between the governm ent officials and indigenous representatives. This National Commission has been inoperative, indefinitely delaying the important task of demarcation which we have struggled for so long. Indiscriminate granting of concessions of our natural resources is leading to over-exploitation mainly because the state does not exercise any control over these concessions. Furthermore, the norms and regulations of concessions are never complied with, creating venality and corruption in the process. The large-scale industrial fishing companies must respect our traditional artisan fishing practices which have been our principal means of survival. We responsible community members and leaders must necessarily take control of our natural resources in order to conserve them and use them for our own necessities. That's the way to safeguard our culture and existence. This right to control our own property has its base in the historic Supreme Court decision which suspended the concessions granted by both the central and regional governments. The Regional Councils have been dysfunctional; they have not responded to numerous demands of the indigenous population. This has created a lack of leadership in our territory, leading to mismanagement and abuse of our natural resources to disrespect for our organizations and traditions, and to deteriorating living conditions. We consider that the beginning of the next century must be marked by a new relationship between our communities and the State, which must start with a definitive solution to the issue of territory. We seek peace, happiness, love, and sharing of our beliefs and possessions with those who respect us in accordance with our ancestral custom of coexistence with other cultures, peoples, and nations. We are aware of the many problems and dramatic social and economic situation that we face. Furthermore, we realize that these problems cannot be overcome until we first resolve the issue of ownership and legalization of our territory; of the administration of its resources; and the issue of a legal framework to regulate and control those attributes. The Council of Elders is our preeminent traditional organization; they merit all due respect, for that is not only our customary law, but the Council is also legally recognized in national legislation. The General Assembly of Indigenous Peoples and Ethnic Communities is the highest traditional authority which determines the destiny of our peoples and communities which have inhabited our lands since the days of our ancestors long ago. In light of these considerations, this General Assembly of Indigenous Peoples and Ethnic Communities, making use of the faculties conferred by Indigenous and ethnic communities, Decrees the following: 1. All the varied kinds of resources within the historical boundaries of our territories are heritage of Indigenous peoples and ethnic communities. These should be conserved, protected for the use of our people. 2. The Executive Government of the General Assembly is hereby formed with the full powers and faculties as granted by this Assembly. 3. As an organizational mechanism, the Executive Government is empowered to incorporate members of other organizations with similar goals as an instrument for consultation and support. Specialists brought together to form commissions on particular issues may also be included in that entity. 4. A system of administrative and financial control will be set up to manage the funds of this government. It will present the General Assembly properly audited reports to guarantee proper management of resources. 5. Each community shall, in accordance with the norms established for natural resources control (forests), will provide up to 250 cubic meters of timber to assure the financing and functioning of work commissions; and the functioning of this structure of executive government. 6. Invest the Executive Government with ample powers to administer, control, and make use of our territory's natural resources, in the framework of striking an harmonious balance between the different entities involved in the management of these resources. 7. Any leader guilty of acts of administrative corruption will be penalized with five years imprisonment and life-long suspension from the Indigenous movement. 8. The Indigenous organization, Yatabiska, is dysfunctional and is hereby invalidated due to its disrespect for Indigenous peoples and ethnic communities. Former president, the Reverend Mateo Collins, must account for its financial situation and for internationally-funded projects before the Council of Elders. 9. Individuals who falsely represent Indigenous peoples are hereby totally and categorically disavowed. Only the General Assembly has the maximum authority to grant such powers of representation. 10. This General Assembly of Indigenous Peoples and Ethnic Communities creates the following commissions: A. The Indigenous Territories Demarcation Commission whose key mandate shall be demarcate the territory. B. The Natural Resources Commission which will regulate possession, protection, conservation, use, enjoyment, and management of natural resources in all their forms. C. The Legal Commission's mission is to define a new legal framework on which to base our self-determination as a nation; and to work for the defense of our rights on the international level. D. The Social Commission will call immediate attention to problems in the areas of health, education, culture, labor, prisoner rights, widows, and orphans that require urgent responses. E. The Emergency Human Rights Commission shall take charge of coordinating with the communities the creation of communitarian commissions and territorial units for the administration of resources. The tasks of the commissions are: Demarcation Clarification of historic maps and boundaries , declaring that the territory as a whole shall be the object of indigenous demarcation. Request arbitration to guarantee a fair legalization of territory and resolution of disputes regarding contradictions with other forms of property. Contract consulting services for the short-term elaboration of a methodology for auto-demarcation in which communities have direct participation in defining, planning, executing, and evaluating this process. Natural Resources A plan for 100% utilization of revenues generated from fishing, logging, and mining activities will be elaborated. This plan requires organization of the communities in order to administer funds transferred from companies involved. Resource-exploitation and processing activities destructive of our eco-systems and natural habitat will be halted. Sea, Lake, and River Resources Clear and harmoniously defined limits between traditional and industrial fishing activities; establish agreements necessary for enforcement of such limits. Industrial fishing will be prohibited in rivers and lakes. Develop a strategy to halt piracy in our national waters will be developed in collaboration with government authorities, community leaders, businesses, and international organizations. Set guarantees for the stability of companies currently operating on our Atlantic Coast, within the framework of safeguarding rational exploitation and preventing over-exploitation. Requests will be made to international specialized marine biology organizations to study and assess our coastal waters' capacity to support marine life extraction. These organizations would also help determine the appropriate periods for bans and restrictions on capture of endangered species. This should be carried out in conjunction with state authorities, community leaders, businesses, and corresponding international organizations. At the same time, incentives should be offered to those who comply with such norms. Advantage should be taken of fishing-bans time to improve the fishing fleet. The Legal Commission of the General Assembly of Indigenous Peoples and Ethnic Communities will proceed to elaborate the bills necessary for the ratification of these measures. This proposal will also be presented for discussion with international organizations with the aim of coordinating implementation of these measures. Immediate agreements will be made to protect and halt deforestation of mangroves; and to promote their reforestation. Those means of extraction which continue to destroy marine life and endangered species will be prohibited. Forest and Scrub Resources Companies will be forced to comply with their forest management plans under community supervision. An initial proposal will be formulated for the management of forest resources based on an inventory and current diagnostic of their condition. All agreements for the exploration and exploitation of our resources will be granted only with the approval and participation of our communities. All natural resource concessions which affect and harm the flora and fauna will be suspended, especially those which destroy our natural medicine sources. A proposal to carry out an inventory of medicinal plants will be formulated with the goal of protecting these resources. Mines and Hydrocarbons The legal status of concessions for the exploration and exploitation of mining and hydrocarbon resources will be reviewed in coordination with the affected communities. These activities should be carried out in conjunction with the communities in order to avoid that the exploration activities are used to stimulate speculation on the international market. Mining and hydrocarbon concessions that harm the environment and our ecosystems will be suspended. Auditing mechanisms will be put in place to monitor exploration and exploitation concessions, the scope and destination of earnings obtained from these by central and regional governments. Companies with natural resource concessions, government institutions, and international organizations must make available studies they have carried out regarding the capacities and potential of our territory. Establish norms guaranteeing a fair return to self-employed miners, based on new relations between them and mining companies. Exploration studies and techniques used in such concessions must be approved by affected communities in order to prevent damage to the ecology and to human beings. Legal and Judicial Aspects Immediate protection for the members of the Executive Government of General Assembly of Indigenous Peoples and Ethnic Communities will be requested from international human rights organizations. A first draft of our constitution will be presented to the next General Assembly. This constitution will guide the future of our peoples and ethnic communities inspired by Indigenous philosophical principles based on values of coexistence in harmony with nature, communal ownership of property, and the struggle to preserve our culture. Social Issues Immediate attention to control the cholera epidemic in affected Indigenous communities. Measures are also required to prevent its spread to other communities. Immediate alternatives must be sought for relocating Indigenous communities still situated on the Bambana River banks. Systematic and immediate response to work-related demands arising in different government entities. Help organize a meeting of maritime workers, both scuba-divers and sailors, to deal with their most urgent demands and resolve pending problems. Assistance must be given to scuba divers suffering from Bend's disease and other diving-related problems. Promote our culture through publication of Indigenous communities' traditional tales and legends; and through developing different schools of dance and auchtononous folklore, aiming to make them know nationally and internationally. Immediate assistance must be provided to widows and orphans; and especially those who have been affected by the drought and are lacking food. Review the prison system in our territory and bring about transfer of prisoners from other zones who originate in our territory. EMERGENCY HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION Community Commissions shall be formed in each community. An elder shall be chosen to coordinate it, and others to take responsibility for natural resources, demarcation, juridical affairs, and social issues. Territorial units will be formed in order to help network communities with natural, social, or production-based affinity. These territorial units shall be convoked to coordinate joint activities relating to the aforementioned themes: natural resources, demarcation, and juridical and social affairs. A Indigenous human rights defense plan hall be presented, rooting itself in respect for Human Rights in general - the Right to live in a healthy ecological environment that guarantees our ability to make use of our natural resources. ............................. Here follows a list of those elected to Commissions ............................. The IX General Assembly of Indigenous People and Ethnic Communities also confirms as general consultants of the Executive Government and the Council of Elders as: Dr. Oscar Hodgson Arguello Carlos Molina Marcia, and Ernesto Scott Lackwood Proclaimed in the city of Bilwi, February 26, 1998. Signed by 386 delegates from that number of communities<* CONSEJO DE ANCIANOS DE LA COSTA ATLANTICA Casa del Consejo de Ancianos, Contiguo al Hotel Rivera, Bilwi, Puerto Cabezas En Managua: IMSCO, detras del Parque Carmen Phone: 505 266 0718/ 222 6972 Telefax: 268 2868 Email: almuk@puebloindio.org ///\\\ imsco@sdnic.org.ni Internet Web Page: http://www.puebloindio.org.moskitia/ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Translated by Felipe Stuart Courneyeur ///\\\ <>@~@ <> @~@ <> <> @~@ <> @~@ <> ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Witness for Peace-Nicaragua have made information available about the General Assembly of Indigenous People and Ethnic Communities of the Miskitu nation on their web page. You can open the WFP web page at: http://www.igc.apc.org/wfp/news.html email at: wfpnica@ibw.com.ni *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> . <> @~@ <> @~@ <> @~@ <> @~@ <> @~@ <>@~@ <> *> INTERVIEW WITH DR. OSCAR HOGDSON ARGUELLO by Edgard Solorzano [translated by Felipe Stuart Courneyeur) ~~> E.S. To what extent is the Council of Elders promoting separatism in the Atlantic region? O.H.A I want to be categorical: neither the Council of Elders nor the Indigenous General Assembly forward separatism or independence. What is up for consideration is an administrative mechanism, a system prevailing on the Coast assuring self-determination for Indigenous people." E.S. What elements are they proposing? O.H.A What is put forward in the Document of the Indigenous Communities is that the communities have the right to create their own administrative structures. E.S. Does that mean not recognizing the Regional Councils that are also part of the spirit of the Constitution? O.H.A What is happening is that the regional councils were created with a party-based conception, dysfunctional because the absence of massive participation in voting signals that the system is not functioning. On the other hand Dr. Aleman's government is clear about this situation and in his election campaign proposed the creation of a new Autonomy Law. That is to say, there is expressed recognition that what actually exists is not functioning. Of course, the Regional Council doesn't do the job of a traditional mechanism of administration. E.S. The General [Indigenous] Assembly proposed creating an Executive Government, something that appears to amount to non-recognition of the regional councils... O.H.A It would be better put to say they discussed executive mechanisms with those we expect to coordinate with the new regional councils. This leads us to define a new structure to function on the Coast. E.S. You are talking about traditional mechanisms but you then also refer to coordination with the councils. How do those two factors combine? O.H.A I must say that in no moment does it mean not recognizing the regional councils. What is out there is that the people, in by voting, are saying that the councils are not functioning. E.S. What is the Document referring to when it speaks of creating a new juridical framework, of presenting a draft constitution that will determine their destiny? I understands that this proposal doesn't square with the Constitution. O.H.A The government is currently trying to legislate an "Indigenous Communities Law", a kind of World Bank prerequisite to obtain financing for the central government. What we are asking ourselves is what kind of mechanism the government is using to define this kind of law. We are not aware of it. In the second place, indigenous communities have historically been defined under the Reincorporating Decree that signaled a series of situations that don't fit into the actual system. E.S. For example? O.H.A The Decree in the Convention de la Mosquito recognizes in Article Two that all the wealth and taxes should remain in the Miskotia, regulated by the Central government. In saying this we are taking into consideration that all taxes raised on the coast must stay on the Coast. But it's now 104 years since, and all tax revenues have been flowing to the Pacific in clear violation of the Law rei ncorporating the Coast [into Nicaragua]. A second aspect is that we have put forward to the Auditor General of the Republic that it carry out a profound investigation of resources - of both mining exploration and exploitation that the government is managing under cover of discretionality. This violates the constitutional principle that communities should manage their local affairs. E.S. Do you believe that it will be this regime that brings about functional integration according to Nicaragua's commitment? O.H.A We have to discuss the depth of the problem of two regions with different cultures and histories, and also different administrative mechanism. E.S. The Constitution clearly states that the Nicaraguan people are multiethnic. Where's the contradiction you are talking about? O.H.A There are to aspects to consider here. First, all polls show that institutionality is questioned in Nicaragua. Yes, we consider ourselves to be a Single State and hence we are not talking about a separation. Yes, we are talking about how in Nicaragua there can be two different administrations that are managed under global principles. I argue that because the legal instrument through which the Atlantic Coast was incorporated points out in one of its principles that we would be relieved of our poverty and that the bad management of funds before reincorporation was a problem of the government previous to 1894. Now, if this is the instrument through which 22 communities subscribed to this document, what will happen now if those c ommunities make an evaluation and note that Nicaragua gets a zero on all those commitments? E.S. What is it that they are asking for, clearly put? O.H.A It's important to define that Constitutional Law recognizes that in western civilization nations exist that are constituted by various States. This is not at all new. E.S. Do you think that's possible in Nicaragua without violating the Constitution? O.H.A I think so. It's possible that Nicaragua be constituted by two States under one nation. E.S. That's where a certain kind of separatism is felt and to that should be added the call of the Council of Elders for abstention. O.H.A At no point does the General Assembly Document call for abstentionism. Yes, there are communities who are fed up with the electoral system. What the document pointed out is that the actual system does not resolve our problems. Secondly, that the political parties only come to campaign during elections and afterwards disappear. This is what the communities are flagging. But to go from t hat to say that there is a call for abstentionism is an invention made by those self-same yellow magazines. E.S. The Document makes that call between-the-lines when it makes reference... O.H.A What is being discussed right now with the Council of Elders is that really we have a dysfunctional system. Why doesn't it function? Precisely because there's no autonomy because we don't dispose of the management of economic resources. Secondly, tax revenues go to Managua. Hence, we ask ourselves what is the autonomy concept? For the political parties it's a matter of fortifying the system, as they said in the elections. But for the communities the issue is that their natural resources are being handed away in concessions by the central government. Furthermore, all tax revenues from those concessions are being managed under the criterion of discretionality. That's to say, they aren't even respecting the Budget Law. We ask ourselves why are there timber concessions on the Atlantic Coast whereby a mahogany tree sells in foreign markets at six or seven thousand dollars and what benefit comes to the national as a whole or in particular to Indigenous communities? That's why they're shocked when the Council of Elders raise issues such as resource management. E.S. What's their conception of the Autonomy Law as they put it? O.H.A The Autonomy Law conceives property as an abstract element for use, possession, and enjoyment. But it doesn't define who is the owner. The government's interest is to create national lands given that in the Pacific all lands have now been privatized. The central government defines itself as a facilitating instrument for recognizing different kinds of property as the motor-force of wealth. Then why do they want to make themselves owners of Indigenous communities? A second aspect is that when they argue that the Law does not regulate this situation, what Autonomy are we talking about? Nor does it stipulate that resources on Indigenous community lands belong to those communities. As well, the Constitution recognizes the traditional form of government of the communities in a historic manner. But what history are we talking about? That of 1894 when a King e xisted here. Then we can't talk about an Autonomy Law that is not clear on this matter of the fundamental principles why tax revenues must stay in the region. All these elements are what the Council of Elders and its General Assembly have begun to argue. Logically, this has caused a lot of commotion in the communications media. We are not talking about separation, but of concrete problems in the framework of a State that can be multinational without dividing up the country. E.S. Are they proposing to create a new Autonomy Law or to strengthen the existing law? O.H.A There are two points here: There is a Regional Council legally established by the Autonomy Law and the same Constitution. But the Constitution also establishes that Indigenous peoples must have their on local administrative systems in accord with traditional and historical forms. Based on that Constitutional precept the Council of Elders has create an executive structure. E.S. What do expect to come from all this? O.H.A What force will be the greatest when the communities grant the right to watch over natural resources to this executive government of the General Assembly and say that the Regional Councils don't have that faculty to administer land and resources. This is the dilemma. The idea is to step up efforts. To present concrete ideas about natural resource management not yet established in the Aut onomy Law. Secondly, about territorial definition in which the communities establish their historical boundaries. Thirdly, that there should be an administration that responds in a traditional manner. And, fourth, there must be mutual respect between the Pacific and Atlantic zones and a different vision of national identify from what exists up till now. E.S. How could that dilemma be resolved? O.H.A We can ask for a plebiscite, which is in the Constitutional framework - in which people respond as to whether or not they are really in agreement with the Regional Council for which they did not vote; or are they in favor of a structure closer to the community level? But I insist, we are not talking about separation nor independence. E.S. You are proposing a second phase of the National Dialogue. What proposals do you have? O.H.A It's proposed to take up, first, the search for a national identity; second, the quest for a strategic plan that integrates with mutual respect a range of different cultures in a strategic development plan; thirdly, education and health for the Atlantic Coast. Experts on this theme have said that national identity and a strategic development plan cannot be taken up without first defining the Atlantic Coast, because the Coast defines national and regional identity from a concept of historical different peoples and cultures. Second, that a development plan can't be put together on the Pacific without taking the Atlantic Coast and its natural resources i nto account. <* *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> ~~> Separatist movement incubating in the Atlantic Coast *> NICARAGUA MIGHT BE PARTED IN TWO ~~> In the last issue [of EL SEMINARIO] Dr. Roberto Arguello Hurtado, former president of the Supreme Court of Justice warned about the possibility of a separatist movement seeking the independence of the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua. Just afterwards, the Council of Elders of that region argued in a public declaration the necessity of forming their own government, reliving 104 years later, a propo sed separation of the Caribbean [region] that would deprive Nicaragua of 60 thousand square kilometers of its territory. by Edgardo Solorzano [translation by Felipe Stuart Courneyeur] ~~> The Supreme Electoral Council estimates that there were 180,032 potential voters for the Atlantic Coast regional elections. Of that, only 176,610 registered themselves on the voter lists and in the end only 86,000 people voted. That's to say that abstentionism got a little more than fifty per cent, now a cause for concern among politicians, government, and State institutions. That's a concern that's taking on greater force recently since the Council of Elders of the Atlantic Coast, an institution in existence for more than a century, launched a public Declaration from its Ninth General Assembly of Indigenous Peoples and Ethnic Communities. It put forward, among other points, the necessity of forming an Executive Government, to have its own juridical framework laying t he basis for its self-determination as a nation, as well as guaranteeing the permanence of its rights at the international level. The polemic arising from the regional elections seems the be surrounded by the smell of separatism, or independence from the Pacific. Nicaragua expends over 130 square kilometers. The Atlantic Coast has an extension of 60,036 square kilometers. Hence, the country is at risk of being reduced to an area of 69,964 square kilometers. Historically the Atlantic Coast has been a region isolated from the Pacific and marked by great conflict between potential colonizers who fought to divide the natural wealth and to get a monopoly on the interoceanic canal. Colonial imprint Both Spanish and English left footprints of their presence in this region made up of diverse cultures, traditions, different ethnic groups, and a diversity of languages. After the Spanish colonization, the English took their turn at pillaging the Coast; that's how it was when they decided to create the Miskitu Reserve through the Zeledon-Wyke Treaty, also called the Managua Treaty. This resulted from a Pact in 1850 between representatives of the United States and England, better know as the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. The Miskitu Reserve established an autonomous government, but under English tutelage. According to historians, this took the form of a not to well defined rectangle running north-south along the Coast from Bluefields to a part of Brackamn, now Puerto Cabezas [Bilwi - Translator]. With the Treaty the English implanted a new form of political organization, their own Constitution, whose main representative was the Miskitu King. They also set up a General Council and an Executive Council. The king symbolized the cupola of the political order, representing the interests of his people to foreigners; he was the judge and the chief military authority. His position was legitimized by the English and the coronation took place either in Jamaica or Belize. According to historian Flor de Oro Solorzano, "the Reserve signified the sunset of the Miskitu ethnic group's control and domination of the Caribbean Coast". "Those indomitable warriors, capable of terrorizing the Spanish colonizers and neighboring tribes over an area of some 80,000 square kilometers," says Solorzano, "were reduced to a population of 7,500 souls inhabiting a 30,000 square kilometer area." "This government regime," write sociologists Lioba Rossbach and Volker Wunderich, "maintained itself for thirty years. But its greatest weakness lay in the ambiguous situation of autonomy for the Reserve with respect to the formal Nicaraguan sovereignty. Hence they lived in constant fear of being invaded from the Pacific. The invasion came in 1894 when the government of General Jose Santos Zelaya put an end to the autonomy of the Reserve and incorporated it into the national state as a Province (Departamento). After a series of conflicts between ethnic communities and the Nicaraguan army the Miskitu Convention decided, on the 20th of November, 1894, to recognize the Constitution of Nicaragua, its laws and its government through the Reincorporation Decree. In its essential substantial parts the Convention established that General Zelaya's government committed itself to come through on a series of co ncessions, such as: exemption from military service; village self-government; recognition of the Regional Chief of the communities; as well, reinvesting profits earned in the region back into the region. But no where was there any disposition to favor Miskito political autonomy. >From 1894 until now the reincorporation of the Atlantic Coast into the Pacific has not been really carried out, and thus the region has been kept isolated and exploited by the central government. Autonomy Now? Recognizing that premise, the Sandinista government abolished the Somoza Constitution of April 213, 1974 and promulgated a new Constitution on January 9, 1987. The new Constitution recognized for the first time in history, in Article 8 of Section II that "The people of Nicaragua are by nature multiethnic..." Chapter VI stipulates the rights of Atlantic Coast communities. Chapter IX of the Polit ical Administrative Division, it is established for the first time that the State will organize itself in the Atlantic Coast on the basis of a Autonomous Regime Law. The reformed 1995 Constitution maintains this same spirit and strengthens attributes of the Regional Councils. In September 1987 the National Assembly promulgated Law 28 on the Autonomy Statute of the Atlantic Coast regions, setting up two regions: the North Atlantic and the South Atlantic. Likewise, it establishes in Article 44 of Section VI that the "Present Stature will be backed up with enabling legislation (reglementado) and will be widely disseminated across the country. But enabling legislation se emed not to be on the legislators' agenda. The same Autonomy Law has been a dead letter since the beginning. Neither the government of Daniel Ortega, nor Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, nor the actual government presided over by Dr. Arnoldo Aleman came through on this. And the Atlantic Coast stays marginalized despite the fact that it represents almost half the national territory with great mineral, timber, and fish wealth - in 1997 bringing in almost 100 million dollars US dollars. Enabling Legislation Rayfield Hogdson, Coordinator of the South Atlantic Autonomous Region (RAAS) emphatically argues that "autonomy must be given a real change to develop the Atlantic Coast." Autonomy, says Hogdson, is a major alternative despite its weak juridical framework. In that way, the RAAS Coordinator pushed aside the Council of Elder proposals and at the same time criticized those who argue that the Regional Councils are dysfunctional. "I think the word dysfunctional is too strong," he said. " What the Council of Elders tried to do is set up their own government forgetting that the country is made up of the Nicaraguan family. But despite that, he also said that one problem is the "lack of sufficiently strong respect by the central government for the electors." This government, he said, is too obstinate and thinks that autonomy can only be permitted if the central government leads it. For Hogdson the problem is lack of economic funds to promote a regional government as well as the failure of government after government to pass enabling legislation to concretize the Autonomy Law. According to Hodgson, if the Atlantic separates Nicaragua will be the loser. "But I believe that the Pacific has to work more harmoniously with the Atlantic; if not the possibility of separation gets bigger day by day." He pointed out, by way of example, that more than 50% of the population [of the Coast] did not vote and that taking into consideration those who voted for local or regional opti ons, it means a 75% no to the politics of Managua. "The pressure and poverty that these people suffer is very grave and that's the danger, as I see it", he concluded. For his part, the Liberal National Assembly Deputy Leonel Panting said that he "is not in agreement with a group of Costenos who are taking advantage of this percentage of abstention in order to undermine sovereignty." Analyzing the abstention rate in the just past elections, the legislator cited various factors such as economic problems, the Supreme Electoral Council which failed to turn over a good number of voter identification cards in the RAAN, the problem of missing names on the voters' list, and, as well, the limited economic budget in the region over the last eight years. "All those factors," he said, "are adding up, but I don't want to say that abstention is a rejection of Nicaragua, nor of the government nor the autonomy process we are living through." Nicaragua will lose Regarding separatism that could come about sooner or later, he said that "two or four Costenos are giving exaggerated advice to the Council of Elders leading them to extreme political positions and they are going to get us into trouble." Panting said that "I don't believe we will see either in the short or the long run parties that come out for independence for the region." Logically, he said, this will be in tandem with the attitude of the government in doing something about demands to counter unemployment, to bring about healthy investment and attention to basic services. The deputy urged that the response be complying with the Constitution and bringing in enabling legislation for the Autonomy. All Nicaragua will lose with separatism, he said. David Bradford, Director of the Center for Atlantic Coast Research and Documentation (CIDCA) said that abstentionism is relative; he considers that, among elements already mentioned above, the involvement of Pacific parties in regional elections was another factor. "But whatever the judgment regarding this theme," he said, "one has to consider that this is just the third election for autonomous councils in the country's history. Impatience is part of the problematic of the inhabitants of the Atlantic Coast." <* *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> Sergio Ramirez *> SO FAR AWAY THE CARIBBEAN ~~> The most recent elections on the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua hardly drew any international attention and, what's worth, hardly caught the attention of the voters themselves. The rate of abstention reached almost half the registered voters. There is nothing all that strange in such demonstrated idleness; it has to do with a history of eternal frustrations of the population of this vast territ ory, inhabited by distinct ethnic groups; with the poor communication between a people whose resources are super-exploited, who are exposed to international drug trafficking, and who are isolated from the rest of Nicaragua. So isolated, that on this side we say the Atlantic Coast referring to what in truth is the Caribbean Coast. The open Atlantic begins very far from there. It's a different Nicaragua and unfortunately far away. These elections took place to choose the members of the Autonomous Councils on which the governments of the two administrative regions theoretically rest. Atlantico Norte and Atlantico Sur were created through the Autonomy Law in times of the revolution. Faced with the grave conflict created at that time because the revolution understood li ttle or nothing about the peoples of the Nicaraguan Caribbean, a lack of comprehension that led even to war, autonomy was the best solution. Today it is considered to be exemplary as a solution to similar ethnic conflicts in other countries of the continent. But it was a solution that never worked. The elected council never had real power in their hands, power that the law gives them. The political will of governments in Managua has been the same from the last century on. "The Coast", as it is dryly called, is administered as a colonial territory. Now, as a great novelty, President Aleman announces that he will govern from the Coast various days a month, instead of assuring compliance with the law and that the autonomous councils assume their functions. Neither centralism nor independence, but autonomy In the wake of these failed elections, so poorly convoked, talk has begun about parallel governments among representatives of all the ethnic groups (Miskitu, Sum [Mayagna-translator], Rama, Creole, Black). Even others are talking about independence. Neither centralism that tries to govern from faraway Managua; nor visits by royal judges to territories that have never been well known; nor paralle l governments represent a real solution, not to speak of those isolated independence proclamations. The autonomous regime is the solution, as established by law, and it should be carried out adequately. The Liberal Party of Dr. Aleman won those elections, those based on only half the voters; won with a campaign in which the government blew money in propaganda and dumped resources on the Caribbean that had always been lacking - from medicines to construction materials. Capricious election-time donations that don't resolve the basic problems of these abandoned, misunderstood, and always far away r egions. Lack of communication and abandonment, lack of highways, isolation of ethnic communities, inordinate and often illegal exploitation of mining, forest, and fishing resources, added to chronic poverty and lack of social services turn the Nicaraguan Caribbean Coast into a territory coveted by drug cartels moving drugs from Colombia to Mexico and the United States. This is the real defiance to Nicara guan sovereignty. And we can't stand up to it without interlinked policies, beginning withrespect for the autonomous regime. *> [Translated by Felipe Stuart Courneyeur] *>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*>*> *> URACCAN WELCOMES CANADIAN TEACHER-INTERNS In early March two new Canadian teacher-interns arrived in Nicaragua to assist with the work of the York-URACCAN Linkage Project. Tanya Chung and Heidi Mehta were contracted to work with URACCAN teachers helping to upgrade their computer and internet skills. They are part of a CIDA (Canadian International Development Agency) program for recent Canadian university graduates. "Interns" contracted by this program work for a six month period abroad in their specialties to acquire practical experience before returning home to t he Canadian job market. The two new arrivals join Roseanne Gasparelli, Tim Hansall, and Nadya Weber, Canadian ESL teachers already working as part of the Linkage Project. Ms. Chung is assigned to work in Bluefields and Ms Mehta in Bilwi and Waspam. Prior to initiating their teaching, they are spending a couple of weeks at a Spanish-language school in Esteli. *> Welcome Tanya and Heidi. <* >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> *> end update 980318/Part II <* Part I sent separately. <* <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<< $*$*$*$*$ 24 LINES REFORMATTED BY POPPER AT igc.apc.org $*$*$*$*$